n608  2328  22 May 79
 
BC-China 3takes 05-23
Context: A commentary on current affairs.
Editors:  Following is from the London Telegraph Foreign Service.
It is for use only in the United States and Canada
By NIGEL WADE
Daily Telegraph, London
    PEKING - Euphoria in the West about the promise of the China
market and the apparent restoration of individual freedoms
within Communist Chinese society must now surely cease.
It has already ended for several major Japanese companies who
have found big industrial contracts frozen while the
Chinese count the cost against their dwindling foreign
currency reserves. It has ended, too, for the young human rights
campaigners of Peking who put their trust in the Chinese
constitution's free speech guarantees but were silenced by
a catch 22 provision of the same document which says ''citizens
must support the leadership of the Communist party'' and
the Socialist system.
    There have certainly been euphoric moments for foreigners
in Peking during recent months, as in late November when
young people mobbed diplomats and journalists to ask about
freedoms enjoyed in other countries. It seemed for a few
heady weeks that China was really prepared to allow basic
changes in the way it controls its people and their access
to knowledge of other social systems.
    But the Communist party leaders have slammed the door
shut just as it was opening. One is left with a gloomy sense of
the Chinese masses trapped in a futile cycle of purges and
rehabilitations, political campaigns and counter-campaigns,
of great leaps and long marches eventually leading
nowhere.
    China's token dalliance with foreign fads and fashions like
Coca-Cola and Pierre Cardin couture turns out to be only a
posture disguising latent xenophobia and profound official
contempt for the Western free enterprise system which
produced the skills and machines China must now stoop to
acquire.
    There is a feverish, sickly tinge to the grandiose
economic goals which China keeps setting itself and a depressing
whiff of waste and decay from the bureaucratic middle-levels
where deciding little and proposing less is the safest way to
avoid political retribution.
    The new eunuchs of the Chinese governmental system are
the millions of middle-aged bureaucrats and managers whose
administrative powers were long ago emasculated by the
constant fear of arbitrary denunciation following sudden
changes of political line. They shuffle in their rumpled
Mao suits from one useless meeting to another, not daring
to speak their minds or offer new ideas. The party is
trying to encourage them to take the initiative for
themselves but millions have learned to keep their heads
down, avoid decisions and hope for at life.
    Intellectuals have been similarly cretinized by three
decades of political persecution and oppression. It is not
surprising that the party is having to coax and cajole
them into helping with modernization. Today's modernizers
could too easily be labelled ''capitalist roaders''
tomorrow if there was an abrupt swing back to the Left,
intellectuals and scientists are being asked to follow
the modern-minded regent, Vice-Premier Teng Hsiao-ping.
But Teng is 74 and prudent men would ask themselves what
policy reversals might follow Teng's inevitable demise.
Teng is the last really powerful leader of his generation
and the struggle for control of China after his passing
could be even more explosive than that which attended the
death of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, at 82, in 1976.
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n609  2328  22 May 79
 
BC-China 1stadd 05-23
Nigel Wade xxx in 1976.
    Writers, researchers, technicians and scholars were
ostracized and vilified for years after the Communist victory
of 1949. Some raised their heads and suffered for it in
the ''hundred flowers'' campaign of 1957 when Mao said,
''Let 100 schools of thought contend'' and then imprisoned
thousands for expressing thoughts contending with his own.
    The intellectuals knew better than to speak out again when
young people in Peking raised the banner of free speech last
November. The youthful movement for democratic freedoms and
human rights ended just as the older generation feared it
would, with repression and arrests, although not on
nearly the same scale as the sweeping ''anti-Rightists''
campaign which followed the ''hundred flowers'' interlude.
    The ''anti-Rightist'' campaign paved the way for Mao's
great leap forward and the formation of rural communes.
There is no sign yet, however, that the crushing of
youthful dissent in Peking and other cities will lead to a
similar resurgence of Maoist policies. China's hard
braking on the road to modernization has left ugly black
skid marks for all to see but it is not thought that the
country's leaders are trying to make a complete U-turn.
The campaign to instill discipline among young people is
accompanied by Maoist slogans which have been given a
rest over recent months but the fundamental Maoist faction
in the Politburo seems to have lost much of its influence
to Teng and other veteran leaders rehabilitated since
Mao died.
    Although some Chinese leaders, notably Teng, supported or used
the democracy movement for a time, there was always
great opposition to it among conservative officials at
lower levels. The Peking municipal authorities demanded
last January that the Party put a stop to demands for human
rights and to the growing foreign influence among young
people.
    The crackdown finally came at the end of March with
restrictions on wallposters, a ban on all criticism of the
Communist system and instructions discouraging unofficial
contacts with foreigners. Foreign residents of Peking
who for five months had been able to make friends for the
first time with ordinary Chinese suddenly found the
atmosphere turning cold. Chinese no longer wish to be seen
in public with a foreigner except on official business.
Even the loan of a book can be dangerous where, earlier this
year, foreigners were depleting their own libraries to
meet a clamorous demand from young Chinese eager to
practice English and read about the outside world.
    These contacts were anathema to many hard-line officials and the
party's newspapers are now administering a heavy corrective
dose of anti-foreign propaganda. Western capitalist
countries flow with the blood of oppressed workers, the
newspapers say. The term human rights is denounced as a
bourgeois concept which cannot have any meaning in a
Socialist country where the state protects the rights of
all its citizens. Young people are warned that ''Socialism
is no Shangri-La,'' but that life abroad can be hell on earth.
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n610  2328  22 May 79
 
BC-China 2dadd 05-23
Nigel Wade xxx hell on earth.
    China's youth crisis stems largely from that great period of
political civil war between extreme Maoists and bureaucrats,
the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s. That era of
chaos and inquisition, more than any other political
campaign of the past 30 years, contributed to the pitiable state
of the country's managers and intellectuals. It is now
becoming increasingly apparent that it also left millions of
young men and women disillusioned and embittered. ''Chairman
Mao's Cultural Revolution killed me culturally,'' said a
young man who considered his life, education and career
prospects blighted by extremist disruption.
    Millions of resentful and disillusioned young people - a
truly lost generation - form a malignant tumor in what should
be the most vital and innovative area of Chinese society.
Some of this bitterness burst out in Shanghai last
February when angry youths demonstrated and lay down on
railway lines in protest at being sent from the city to
do years of compulsory farm labor. Representatives of
rusticated youths on strike at a state farm in southwest
China travelled to make protests in Peking but were told
bluntly to get back to their jobs.
    Over-ambitious planning, exiguous foreign currency reserves,
frightened managers, cowed intellectuals and embittered
youths are some of the problems China faces as it bids to
become a major industrial power within this century.
Western businessmen bedazzled by the age-old China trade
mirage, are only now accepting that there will be no
immediate Oriental bonanza. Peking's free speech
campaigners argued in several important wall-posters that
China cannot modernize its economy without first updating
its political system and the ''feudal'' rules governing
how people live. ''We want modernization,'' said one of the
posters, ''but we want to know what kind?'' That the party replied
with old-fashioned repression shows clearly how China, for
all its recent changes, remains, as officials insist it
does, faithful to Chairman Mao.
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n812  0302  25 May 79
 
BC-Peking 05-25
Editors: The following is from the London Telegraph Foreign Service
and is for use only in the United States and Canada.
By Nigel Wade
Daily Telegraph, London
    Peking - One of the leaders of the recent ''democracy movement''
among young people in Peking says it failed for lack of
a clear political program and because its supporters were insufficiently
prepared for secret struggle under repression. But he believes
it was ''only the first step'' in a long resistance to communist
''tyranny and depotism.''
    He assesses the movement in a hard-hitting essay, written for
publication in the west. The author, who is in his mid-20s, is
known to foreign observers in Peking.
    He says in the essay that he joined the democracy movement
''full of enthusiasm and naive hope'' but is now ''forced to try
to evade arrest'' in the crackdown on young dissidents.
    His summary discusses the origins, support achievement and ultimate
failure of the campaign for democratic reforms which began with
rallies last November and led to the phenomena of the ''Democracy
Wall'' and unofficial publishing groups.
    A crackdown was ordered at the end of March, and several leading
activists were arrested.
    Supporters of the democracy movement were angry about ''the
tragic and backward reality of our motherland,'' the essay says,
but none could offer a mature and practical alternative to Maoist
Communism.
    Some activists wanted only to reform communism. Others wanted to
replace it with something else, but had not been able to develop
comprehensive theories. All were hampered ''not only by the
lack of time, strength and material equipment, but also by the
poverty of imagination brought about by decades of official
Marxist-Leninist education.
    The author says dissatisfaction with the present system is widespread,
but the no one knows what sort of new society should replace it.
Young people wanting to study other political ideas have had
difficulty finding useful books.
    ''If we wish to arouse the masses, we can do so only by adopting
a new system with which to oppose the existing official system,
and sing it to appeal to the people. Precisely because such a new
system has simply not matured, the tragic nature of the democratic
movement was determined from within itself. It could shock, but
it had little hope of success, because nobody knew just what sort of
a situation success implied.''
    The author points to organizational weaknesses stemming
from ''The illusions of youth.'' People involved with
publishing unofficial newspapers, some of which still appear
in toned-down form, constantly reminded each other to be vigilant,
but ''At the same time, almost nobody made any detailed
arrangements about holwto resist arrest, how to be able to continue
to print.....
    When the crackdown came, continued sharp criticism of the
Chinese Communist Party became impossible.
    ''nobody had taken steps to prepare a second, secret set of
printing equipment....Everyone who had engaged in pentrating
criticism of the government had revealed themselves openly and were
from then on unable to escape, constantly being followed and
kept under surveillance or the danger of being searched or arrested
at any time.''
    ''Nobody had really understood that today's peaceful struggle
was only the first step in a protracted and resolute resistance
to tyranny and despotism, so that it was vital during this unique
and peaceful initial stage to make preparations nor the secret
struggle which would follow on the repression,'' the author continued.
    ''Some people were over-optimistic about the internal and
international situation. They believed that the pressure of
sympathy from the average citizen, combined with the pressure
on international opinion, would be sufficient to put off the
communist party's violent repression.
    Because of the weakness of the forces
available to the various (free speech and democracy) organizations,
all human and material resources had to be thrown into the
immediate work of the day, and it was very difficult to release
any effective strength to make serious preparations for secret
work....Our preparations were insufficient and our illusions too
many, so that our illusions eventually led us into danger.''
    The essay confirms that most of the participants in the democracy
movement were young workers, between 20 and 30, who had not been
to university.
    Foreigners estimate that only a few score dedicated activists
were involved, but several thousand attended November's rallies
and thousands more flocked to read wallposters and free speech papers.
    Older people were too cautious to involve themselves, the essay
says. Intellectuals scoffed at the education level of the young
workers, and most of China's peasants remained in ignorance of the
situation. Young intellectuals refused to take part because they
were benefitting from ''Preferential treatment under the government's
modernization program.
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n813  0302  25 May 79
 
BC-Peking 05-25
Nigel Wade x x x program.
    ''The cry 'Democracy, not dictatorship! has now subsided
throughout the vast land of China. Our ancient and immense
motherland is still struggling in poverty and ignorance. But
look: The rulers who created this poverty and ignorance are already
panicking. They rely on their invincible dictatorship of blood
and iron, and yet a few little sheets of paper and a few lines of
writing, a few shouts and they are frightened out of their wits...
For the moment they used their swords to cut the throats of others.
But remember, this is not the first time during the past 30 years.
This generation of China's youth will not remain silent, they will
not give up, they will not surrender,'' the essay continued.
    ''In the face of violence, let there be no doubt that we shall
grit our teeth and join hands, united once more and,
for the sake of our nation and our motherland, for the sake of
truth and for the sake of the future we shall explore new roads,
overthrow tyranny and establish a new society.''
    The essay says the Democracy movement was the first
challenge to communism itself by modern China's ''second generation''
who have been raised on party propaganda. It was an attempt to
confront ''the widespread corruption, absurdity, stagnation, stupidity
and backwardness brought about by Communist Party Rule,'' and
it was particularly significant because ''the first shots were
fired directly at the great teacher (Chairman Mao) who had occupied
an inviollable and omnipotent position for several decades.
    ''Once this taboo was broken, nothing could be held back
or forbidden any longer in this ancient nation which had been
forcibly reduced to silence.''
    Anyone who lives in China and thinks about conditions can feel
''the quite suffocating atmosphere,'' the essay says. ''The people
have been cut off from the outside world for years, cut off from
History, and no one is allowed to speak freely.
    ''From the cradle to the grave, people are only allowed to
believe - indeed, must believe - in one 'ISM.'
    ''All else is criminal, except to read the one type of
philosophy, to laud one type of system, to fawn on one leader and
to curry favor with one political party. This is specially true
of the second generation, those who have been born in Socialist
New China. How naive and innocent they are, but at the same time
how miserable and poor, stagnant and pathetic!
    ''They come into the world innocent and without stain, and are
completely powerless to resist the propaganda of the Marxist
'great unity' which constantly corrodes and infiltrates
their hearts and minds.
    ''There is no way for them to embrace any exciting and colorful
fantasies. From their tenderest years, they march in the one direction
because the so-called 'All-unifying' Marxist - Leninist
education, combined with punishments and threats, has already
become essential to their existence,'' the essay asserts.
    ''Youths have been trained in such a fashion that they
unconsciously quote the doctrines and holy write of Marxism
Leninism and naturally roll out the Marxist world view to impose
it upon human life and everything.
    ''They are pitiable. They have never had the right
to be free. We are told the Marxism-Leninism is true freedom,
and yet the youth of China are not permitted to take one step
outside the confines of this predestined 'ism.'
    ''How can they understand human life and the world with its
boundless variety? Even the cut of their clothes, the tunes
of songs, the contents of books and the time and place of one's
romantic liaisons are all monopolized by the Chinese Communist
Party and made the subect of regulations.
    ''Just think how much of his own spirit is left to someone
who has lived in such an environment for decades. Indeed, the scars
left by a forcible education in Marxist 'great unity' are evident
in every debate, every argument, and every attempt to be serious,
on the part of Chinese youth,'' the writer says.
    ''These are deep-furrowed spiritual scars and yet, against all
expectations, there are people who have dared to organize and resist.
Almost unbelievable, from the end of 1978 to early 1979 a few
youths emerged who dared to proclaim openly; We
approve of free debate between all philosopies, we do not revere
any existing philosophy or system; we have no reverence
for Marxism. We want to seek for ourselves the road to a prosperious
motherland.' ''
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n814  0302  25 May 79
 
BC-Explor 05-25
Editors: The following is from the London Telegraph Foreign
Service. It is for use only in the United States and Canada.
By NIGEL WADE (2d Story)
Daily Telegraph, London
    PEKING - A statement issued in the name of the dissident paper
''Exploration'' urges foreign governments to press China for
the release of all those arrested in the recent crackdown on
the Peking democracy movement.
    ''Exploration'' has not appeared since one of its editors, Wei
Ching-sheng, 29, was arrested as a counter-revolutionary when
the crackdown began two months ago. Police are reported to have
arrested another of the paper's writers and to be seeking
others who are in hiding.
    At least 10 supporters of democracy and human rights are
believed to have been arrested since March.
    The statement signed by ''the editorial staff of
Exploration'' was passed to foreigners by a leading staff
member who said he was wanted by the police and had not been
home for two months.
    It is addressed to ''Every government, every organization and
every man or woman loving democracy and freedom.''
    The text, in broken English, reads: ''Since the beginning of
1979, Chinese government has arrested many political prisoners
only on the charge to criticize the governing of Chinese
Communist party. As such people, who love democracy and
freedom and mankind's dignity, we are fighting to oppose those
brutal arresting.
    ''We appeal to you for support. We appeal to you to give
pressure as possible as you can give to the Chinese government
for releasing these arrested people.
    ''We believe democracy, freedom and mankind's dignity will be
bound to overcome every kind of despotism including Chinese
Communist party's!
    ''Long live the friendship between all the people who love
democracy, freedom and respect mankind's dignity.''
    Nothing has been heard of Wei Ching-sheng and other leading
dissidents since their arrest. Some American newspapers
recently published an article by Wei about life in a top-secret
political prison.
    Several American newspapers have commented on the irony of
Wei's now being imprisoned in conditions which are probably
similar to those he described.
    The aim of ''Exploration'' was to explore alternatives to
Marxism and Maoism and to promote democratic reform as an
essential pre-condition for economic modernization. The paper
was effectively outlawed by regulations announced at the end
of March which banned any criticism of communism or of
leadership by the Communist party.
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